“Ziaur Rahman: Bangladesh’s President, Military Leader, and BNP Founder – A Legacy Cut Short by Assassination in 1981.”
Born : 19 January 1936
Place : Bagmara, Bengal, British India
(now Rajshahi, Bangladesh)
Died : 30 May 1981 (aged 45)
Chittagong, Bangladesh
Manner of death :
Assassination
Resting place :
Mausoleum of Ziaur Rahman,
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Nationality :
Bangladesh (from 1971)
Pakistan (1947–1971)
British subject (1936–1947)
Political party :
Bangladesh Nationalist Party
Spouse :
Khaleda Zia (m. 1960)
Children :
Tarique Zia
Arafat Zia
Relatives :
Majumder–Zia family
Alma mater :
D. J. Science College
Pakistan Military Academy
Command and Staff College
Awards :
Bir Uttom
Independence Award
Hilal-i-Jur’at
Maroon Parachute Wing
Order of the Nile
Order of the Yugoslav Star
Military service
Allegiance :
Pakistan (before 1971) ,Bangladesh
Branch/service :
Pakistan Army
Bangladesh Army
Years of service :1955-1978
Rank :Lieutenant general
Service number: BA-69
Unit East Bengal Regimen
About
Ziaur Rahman, born on January 19, 1936, and tragically assassinated on May 30, 1981, was quite a figure in Bangladesh’s rollercoaster history. A military hotshot turned politician, he wore many hats – from being a key player in the fight for independence to founding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).
Originally from Gabtali, Ziaur got his military stripes at the Pakistan Military Academy in Abbottabad. He flexed his military muscles during the Second Kashmir War, earning himself the Hilal-e-Jurrat from the Pakistani government. Fast forward to 1971, he’s now a crucial commander in the Bangladesh Forces, blasting the country’s declaration of independence.
Post-independence, Ziaur climbed the ranks in the Bangladesh Army. His big break came after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding president. In 1977, Ziaur took the presidential reins under martial law.
As president, Ziaur Rahman didn’t just twiddle his thumbs. He shook things up with reforms – he birthed the Bangladesh Nationalist Party in 1978, revived multi-party politics, and gave the press, speech, and markets some breathing room. He wasn’t just a desk president either – mass irrigation, food production schemes, and social initiatives were all part of his game plan.
Internationally, Ziaur made moves. He helped cook up the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1985. Plus, he shook off Sheikh Mujib’s tight embrace with India, cozying up to the West and China.
But, and there’s always a ‘but,‘ Ziaur faced coup attempts, military tribunals, and some unfortunate executions. His presidency wasn’t all sunshine and rainbows; he had a reputation for being a bit of a tough cookie.
Ziaur retired from the army in 1978 as a Lieutenant General. His legacy is a mixed bag – hailed for his role in the Liberation War and his efforts in stabilizing Bangladesh, but also slammed for alleged involvement in Mujib’s assassination and some controversial moves during his presidency.
Politics being what it is, opinions on Ziaur’s legacy split down party lines. The Awami League isn’t his biggest fan, while critics argue that the bad rap he gets is just political mudslinging. Nevertheless, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the political child he birthed, remains a heavyweight in Bangladeshi politics, now led by his wife, Khaleda Zia, who had her stint as prime minister.
Early life
Alright, let’s dive into the early chapters of Ziaur Rahman’s life. Born on January 19, 1936, this guy grew up in Bagbari village, soaking in the vibes of Gabtali, Bogra District. His old man, Mansur Rahman, was a chemistry whiz dealing with paper and ink, doing his thing in Kolkata. Zia’s granddad had made a move to Nashipur-Bagbari, and his mom, Jahanara Khatun, held down the fort with two younger brothers.
In 1946, Ziaur got a ticket to Hare School in Calcutta. But you know how the story goes – the British Empire packed its bags in 1947. They chose the Muslim-majority adventure, so off to Pakistan, they went. Mansur set up shop in Karachi, and at 11, Zia found himself in Academy School. By the time he hit sweet 16 in 1952, he’d aced his secondary education.
Zia took the academic ride to D. J. Sindh Government Science College in 1953 and hitched his wagon to the Pakistan Military Academy at Kakul as a cadet. The military bug had bitten him good.
Now, let’s talk love. In August 1960, at the ripe age of 24, Zia took the plunge and married Khaleda Khanam Putul. Hold onto your hats – she’d later become the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. Zia, rocking the captain status in the Pakistan Army, was doing his military duty. A bit of a bummer, though – his old man couldn’t make it to the wedding shenanigans in Karachi, and Zia’s mom had already moved on to the next chapter. Life, right?
Military service in Pakistan
After acing the PMA long course in ’55, Ziaur Rahman joined the Pakistan Army, rocking the second lieutenant title. He was the commando and paratrooper whiz, acing special intelligence courses too. From ’55 to ’71, he served in the Pakistan Army, then continued his military journey in the Bangladesh Army from ’71 to ’78.
On a trip to East Pakistan, Ziaur Rahman sensed the not-so-great feelings towards the military among Bengali middle-class folks. Despite the hurdles, he championed military careers for Bengali youth. After two years in Karachi, he hopped over to the East Bengal Regiment in ’57. Fancy British Army schools and some intel work kept him busy from ’59 to ’64.
Ayub Khan’s military rule got Ziaur Rahman thinking – Bengali attitudes towards the military needed a shake-up. In the ’65 Indo-Pakistani War, he led a company in the Khemkaran sector, earning himself the Hilal-i-Jur’at for gallantry. He even dabbled as a military instructor at the Pakistan Military Academy and swung by the Command and Staff College in Quetta for some command and tactical warfare wisdom.
In the course of his military gig, Ziaur Rahman raised not one but two Bengali battalions. He even jet-setted to West Germany for advanced training from the British Army of the Rhine. ’69 rolled around, and he became second-in-command at the 2nd East Bengal Regiment, playing a part in the military’s expansion.
Oh, and in the middle of all this military jazz, his wife Khaleda Zia gave birth to their first bundle of joy, Tarique Rahman, back in ’66. Talk about juggling life’s challenges!
Pre-Independence
In 1978, General Ziaur Rahman clinched a decisive five-year presidential term. The subsequent 1979 National Assembly elections stirred allegations of integrity issues from rivals. Ziaur Rahman’s leadership sparked controversy, with critics questioning the electoral process’s legitimacy.
Despite hurdles, he permitted Sheikh Hasina, the exiled daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, to return to Bangladesh in 1981. Zia’s political decisions and governance during this period fueled debates on the democratic processes in the country. The return of Sheikh Hasina, a prominent political figure, added a significant dimension to Bangladesh’s evolving political landscape.
Bangladesh Liberation War
When negotiations hit a wall, Yahya Khan slapped martial law, tossing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman behind bars on March 26, 1971. Now, enter Ziaur Rahman, initially just a Bangladesh Forces Commander in Sector 1, but quickly rising to BDF commander of Sector 11 and Brigade Commander of Z Force by mid-July. He was front and center in the whole independence struggle drama.
In response, Zia went rogue, nabbing and offing his commanding officer Lt. Col. Janjua. Awami League buddies gave him a nudge, and he belted out the Declaration of Independence, echoing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s March 26 spiel. But, oops, Zia’s first proclamation as the “Provincial Head” didn’t quite stick the landing, prompting a quick fix later that same day.
In a chat with German Radio, Zia looked back on his March 27 announcement. Cooking up an infantry unit in Chittagong, he birthed Sector No. 1 with its HQ in Sabroom. Later on, he moved the party to Teldhala, birthing Sector 11. All these sectors officially got a facelift under Bangladesh Forces in the Chittagong and Hill Tracts area.
Colonel M. A. G. Osmani as the big cheese, the Supreme Commander of Bangladesh Forces for the Provisional Government of Bangladesh. Fast forward to July 30, 1971, and Ziaur Rahman is the head honcho of “Z Force,” a real-deal brigade with the 1st, 3rd, and 8th East Bengali regiments. With Z Force, he went full-on hero mode, snagging the Bir Uttom from the Government of Bangladesh.
Assassination of Mujib in 1975 and its aftermath
Before Sheikh Mujibur Rahman met his tragic end, there was a whole conspiracy brewing. Fast forward to August 15, 1975, and Mujibur Rahman, along with his family, was caught up in a gunfight with army personnel, leading to their untimely demise. Enter Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, one of the conspirators, who stepped into the presidency, showing Major General K M Shafiullah the door. Taking the reins as army chief after Shafiullah’s departure was none other than Ziaur Rahman, who was the deputy chief of army staff at the time.
This coup stirred up a storm. Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and the 46th Brigade threw their hats in the ring on November 3, 1975. Ziaur Rahman, finding himself under house arrest, decided it was time to step back. But hold on, November 7 rolled around, and we got the Soldiers and People’s Coup, led by the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) and retired Lieutenant Colonel Abu Taher. In this twist of fate, Khaled Mosharraf met his end, Shafaat Jamil made a run for it, and Ziaur Rahman got his old gig back as army chief.
Now, cue an interim government. Justice Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem took the chief martial law administrator role, with Ziaur Rahman as the deputy. But things weren’t all sunshine and rainbows. Army discipline hit rock bottom, and disarming soldiers, supported by the JSD, faced some serious roadblocks. Oh, and another coup was on the horizon, aiming at Ziaur Rahman.
He wasn’t having any of it – cracking down on the JSD and Gonobahini, he even handed down a death sentence to Abu Taher in July 1976. Ziaur Rahman, now the chief martial law administrator, rolled up his sleeves to integrate the armed forces, smoothing out discontent through diplomatic missions for the senior officers.
Presidency
Taking the helm on April 21, 1977, Ziaur Rahman inherited a nation grappling with disorder after Awami League and BAKSAL turmoil. Waving goodbye to martial law, he kickstarted extensive reforms for Bangladesh’s growth.
In September 1977, a thwarted coup made headlines. Japanese Red Army terrorists hijacked Japan Airlines Flight 472, steering it to Tejgaon International Airport. Simultaneously, revolts erupted in Bogra and Dhaka cantonments. Bogra’s rebellion got squashed swiftly, but Dhaka faced a commotion led by misinformed Bangladesh Air Force airmen. Though their attack on Zia’s residence failed, they briefly took Dhaka Radio, causing casualties at Tejgaon International Airport.
Wing Commander M. Hamidullah Khan, BAF Ground Defence Commander, quelled the air force rebellion. Ziaur Rahman appointed him ZMLA (Dhaka) and Director of Martial Law Communications and Control. An intelligence fumble led to DG-NSI and DFI chief AVM Aminul Islam Khan’s dismissal. Zia shuffled DFI to Dhaka Cantonment, revamping it as DGFI. Over 200 soldiers involved in the coup faced execution after a military trial.
Zia amped up the police force, doubling its size, and beefed up the army from 50,000 to 90,000. In 1978, he tapped Hussain Muhammad Ershad as Chief of Army Staff, recognizing him as a non-political professional soldier, nurturing a strong political and military alliance.
Elections
In 1978, General Ziaur Rahman won a significant five-year presidential term. The subsequent 1979 National Assembly elections faced allegations of integrity issues, stirring controversy. Critics questioned the legitimacy of the electoral process under Ziaur Rahman’s leadership.
Despite challenges, he permitted Sheikh Hasina, the exiled daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, to return to Bangladesh in 1981. Zia’s political decisions sparked debates on democratic processes. The return of Sheikh Hasina added a crucial dimension to Bangladesh’s political landscape, shaping the nation’s trajectory.
Domestic and foreign policies
Upon taking office, Ziaur Rahman was seen as the strict leader Bangladesh needed. The nation faced challenges like high illiteracy, severe poverty, and economic stagnation. Departing from his predecessor’s policies, Ziaur Rahman introduced a “19-point program” emphasizing self-reliance, rural development, free markets, and population control.
Throughout his presidency, Ziaur Rahman traveled extensively, promoting the “politics of hope” and encouraging hard work for national progress. Cabinet meetings were held across Bangladesh, showcasing his commitment to regional engagement. His focus on boosting agriculture and industry, especially in food production, included initiatives like the Bangladesh Jute and Rice research institutes and a popular food-for-work program.
Ziaur Rahman pushed for private sector growth, facilitated exports, and reversed farm collectivization. His government reduced quotas, fostering a dynamic economic environment. Major infrastructure projects, such as irrigation canals and power stations, were initiated. Rural development efforts included Gram Sarkar for self-governance and the “Village Defence Party” for rural security. Mass education programs, especially in rural areas, contributed to economic advancement.
His presidency witnessed rapid economic growth and a shift in foreign policy. Departing from alliances with India and the Soviet bloc, Ziaur Rahman sought closer ties with the United States, Western Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. He worked to normalize relations with Pakistan and enhance ties with Islamic nations. His proposal for regional cooperation materialized in 1985 with the establishment of SAARC.
Ziaur Rahman’s visionary approach earned him a posthumous award from SAARC, highlighting his lasting impact on regional geopolitics.
Ziaur Rahman had a game plan for Bangladesh’s foreign affairs. Acknowledging concerns from various quarters about relying too much on India, he decided to switch things up. Unlike his predecessors, who were all about cozying up to India and the Soviet bloc, Rahman set his sights on building stronger ties with the United States, Western Europe, Africa, and the Middle East.
But that’s not all – he even worked on smoothing things over with Saudi Arabia and the People’s Republic of China, who weren’t exactly thrilled about Bangladesh in the beginning. While taking a bit of a step back from India, Ziaur Rahman had a grand plan to solidify ties with other Islamic nations, hoping to boost Bangladesh’s influence in the Middle East.
And here’s the kicker – Rahman wasn’t just thinking locally; he was a big-picture guy. His brilliant idea for regional cooperation in South Asia became a reality in 1985 with the birth of the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation. His forward-thinking move earned him a posthumous award, showcasing the impact of his visionary approach.
Islam and nationalism
Ziaur Rahman noticed a widespread identity crisis in Bangladesh, both religious and national. To tackle this, he kicked off a process of re-Islamization. Think of it as a bit of a constitutional makeover. He added Islamic elements like the salutation “Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim” and swapped out socialist commitments for a new focus on “economic and social justice.” Ziaur Rahman also made Islamic education compulsory for Muslim school kids.
But this move didn’t sit well with everyone. Critics said he was straying from Sheikh Mujib’s secular path, while others argued that history had its say on this matter. Ziaur Rahman went on to lift bans on Islamists and communal parties, making things a bit more diverse on the political front.
In his public talks, Ziaur Rahman championed “Bangladesh Nationalism” and a national identity with Islam at its core. He reached out to non-Bengali minorities, amending the constitution to emphasize this national identity. But here’s the catch – this Bangladeshi nationalism left out non-Muslim minorities, especially the Hindu community.
After founding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Ziaur Rahman went all in. He set up political institutes and workshops, making sure the youth got a good dose of Bangladesh nationalism. In one of these workshops, back in September 1980, Ziaur Rahman shared his insights with the eager learners.
Indemnity Act
Ziaur Rahman implemented controversial measures, disciplining the army and consolidating power. He courted right-wing groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, welcoming back the Muslim League and appointing Shah Azizur Rahman, a controversial anti-independence figure, as prime minister.
In a surprising move, Ziaur Rahman gave foreign appointments to Major Dalim, Major Rashid, and Major Faruk, who were accused of assassinating Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. They landed jobs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and later became ambassadors to African and Middle Eastern nations.
The Indemnity Ordinance, providing immunity for individuals involved in Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s assassination and political events between 1975 and 1979, was proclaimed by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad in 1975. It was ratified as the Indemnity Act in Parliament and later incorporated as the 5th amendment to the constitution during President Hussain Muhammad Ershad’s tenure.
Assassination
Ziaur Rahman, during his tenure, faced criticism for perceived harshness towards army opposition. Despite widespread popularity, his rehabilitation of controversial figures drew vehement opposition from Awami League supporters and Mukti Bahini veterans. Amidst apprehensions of unrest, Ziaur Rahman visited Chittagong on May 29, 1981, to address an intra-party dispute in the regional BNP. The entourage lodged at the Chittagong Circuit House.
In the early hours of May 30, 1981, Ziaur Rahman was assassinated by a group of army officers. The assailants also claimed the lives of six bodyguards and two aides. The funeral, estimated to be attended by nearly two million people, transpired at Parliament Square.
Criticism and legacy
Ziaur Rahman is hailed as a war hero by Bangladeshi politicians. Credited with ending disorder in Sheikh Mujib’s final years, he established democracy by abolishing BAKSHAL (Mujib’s one-party rule). Despite criticism for suppressing opposition, Zia’s economic reforms are recognized for rebuilding the economy. His shift towards Islamization garnered support from ordinary Bangladeshis.
Political debate
Zia’s actions following the August 15, 1975, assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family remain controversial. He legalized the Indemnity Act, an ordinance ordered by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad in 1975, pardoning the convicted killers of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Some of these individuals were sent abroad during Zia’s presidency.
Ascension to presidency
The Dhaka High Court deemed the military coups, including Zia’s regime, from 1975 to 1979 as “unlawful and unconstitutional.” It declared Zia’s martial law decrees, his rise to the presidency in 1977, and the 1978 election as “unknown to the constitution.” This ruling contradicted the Indemnity Act, which had given legal status to these events and incorporated them into the constitution.
Communal conflict
Deviating from Sheikh Mujib’s secularism, Zia introduced Islamic politics in Bangladesh and joined the Organization of Muslim Nations, earning widespread public appreciation. However, historians argue that these actions alienated and antagonized Bangladesh’s tribal and religious minorities, leading to future sectarian and tribal conflicts.
Suppression of opposition
In Ziaur Rahman’s era, political opponents faced severe suppression. Allegations suggest the arrest of around 62 thousand Awami League and other opposition figures, drawing international attention. Approximately 3,000 soldiers, military officials, and civilians were reported to have disappeared or been killed during Zia’s regime. In a notable incident, around 1,143 people were executed in various Bangladeshi prisons for their alleged involvement in a failed coup attempt on October 2, 1977.
National anthem debate
Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman conveyed in a confidential letter to the Cabinet Department,
“The Indian national anthem, written by Rabindranath Tagore, is inappropriate for Bangladesh. As a poet from the Hindu community, Tagore is not a Bangladeshi citizen. The Muslim Ummah is concerned about a song written by a non-Muslim poet being our national anthem. Therefore, a change is necessary to align with our cultural spirit.”
The Prime Minister proposed replacing “Amar Sonar Bangla” with “Prothom Bangladesh, Amar shesh Bangladesh” as the national anthem. Following this, the Cabinet Department instructed the broadcasting of the “Prothom Bangladesh” song on radio, television, and all government programs. Zia himself expressed a willingness to change the national flag and anthem. Responding to a suggestion from BNP leader Dr. Yusuf, Zia remarked,
“Changes will happen. Let’s start by replacing the national anthem written by a Hindu. After that, we can consider changing the national flag.”
At presidential functions, both the National Anthem and “Prothom Bangladesh” were sung together. However, the initiative stalled after Zia’s death in 1981.
Attempts to change the national flag
On December 16, 1978, Bangladesh’s Victory Day, Ziaur Rahman ordered the hoisting of an orange circle flag on government buildings instead of the traditional red circle on a green ground. However, due to protests, Zia had to backtrack and withdraw this plan.
Family
Ziaur Rahman and Khaleda Zia had two sons, Tareq Rahman and Arafat Rahman (deceased in 2015). Khaleda assumed leadership of the BNP, forming a coalition against Ershad’s regime. In the 1991 elections, she led the BNP to victory, becoming Bangladesh’s first female prime minister. Despite losing the 1996 elections to Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League, Khaleda returned to power in 2001. Tareq played a role as the BNP senior joint secretary.
Honours
After his death, Turkey honored Ziaur Rahman by naming a road in Ankara as Ziaur Rahman Caddesi.In BBC’s 2004 poll, Ziaur Rahman was ranked 19th among the Greatest Bengalis of all time.[76] The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation recognized him for statesmanship and vision. Other honors include:
- Pakistan: Hilal-i-Jur’at
- Egypt: Order of the Nile
- Yugoslavia: Order of the Yugoslav Great Star
- North Korea: Hero of the Republic
